Wednesday, 23 December 2015
fw taylor and the soprano mafia
The Progressive Era was a period of widespread social activism and political reform across the United States, from the 1890s to 1920s .[1] The main objective of the Progressive movement was eliminating corruption in government. The movement primarily targeted political machines and their bosses. By taking down these corrupt representatives in office a further means of direct democracy would be established. They also sought regulation of monopolies (Trust Busting) and corporations through antitrust laws. These antitrust laws were seen as a way to promote equal competition for the advantage of legitimate competitors.
Many progressives supported Prohibition in the United States in order to destroy the political power of local bosses based in saloons.[2] At the same time, women's suffrage was promoted to bring a "purer" female vote into the arena.[3] A second theme was building an Efficiency Movement in every sector that could identify old ways that needed modernizing, and bring to bear scientific, medical and engineering solutions; a key part of the efficiency movement was scientific management, or "Taylorism".
Many activists joined efforts to reform local government, public education, medicine, finance, insurance, industry, railroads, churches, and many other areas. Progressives transformed, professionalized and made "scientific" the social sciences, especially history,[4] economics,[5] and political science.[6] In academic fields the day of the amateur author gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses. The national political leaders included Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette, Sr., and Charles Evans Hughes on the Republican side, and William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson and Al Smith on the Democratic side.
Initially the movement operated chiefly at local levels; later, it expanded to state and national levels. Progressives drew support from the middle class, and supporters included many lawyers, teachers, physicians, ministers and business people.[7] The Progressives strongly supported scientific methods as applied to economics, government, industry, finance, medicine, schooling, theology, education, and even the family. They closely followed advances underway at the time in Western Europe[8] and adopted numerous policies, such as a major transformation of the banking system by creating the Federal Reserve System in 1913.[9] Reformers felt that old-fashioned ways meant waste and inefficiency, and eagerly sought out the "one best system".[10][11]
Prohibition in the United States was a nationwide constitutional ban on the sale, production, importation, and transportation of alcoholic beverages that remained in place from 1920 to 1933. It was promoted by the "dry" crusaders, a movement led by rural Protestants and social Progressives in the Democratic and Republican parties, and was coordinated by the Anti-Saloon League, and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Prohibition was mandated under the Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Enabling legislation, known as the Volstead Act, set down the rules for enforcing the ban and defined the types of alcoholic beverages that were prohibited. For example, religious uses of wine were allowed. Private ownership and consumption of alcohol was not made illegal under federal law; however, in many areas local laws were more strict, with some states banning possession outright. Nationwide, Prohibition ended with the ratification of the Twenty-first Amendment, which repealed the Eighteenth Amendment, on December 5, 1933.
Prohibition marked one of the last stages of the Progressive Era. During the 19th century, alcoholism, drug abuse, gambling addiction, and a variety of other social ills and abuses led to the activism to try to cure the perceived problems in society. Among other things, this led many communities in the late 19th and early 20th century to introduce alcohol prohibition, with the subsequent enforcement in law becoming a hotly debated issue. Prohibition supporters, called dries, presented it as a victory for public morals and health. Anti-prohibitionists, known as wets, criticized the alcohol ban as an intrusion of mainly rural Protestant ideals on a central aspect of urban, immigrant, and Catholic life. Although popular opinion believes that Prohibition failed, it succeeded in cutting overall alcohol consumption in half during the 1920s, and consumption remained below pre-Prohibition levels until the 1940s, suggesting that Prohibition did socialize a significant proportion of the population in temperate habits, at least temporarily.[1] Some researchers contend that its political failure is attributable more to a changing historical context than to characteristics of the law itself.[2] Criticism remains that Prohibition led to unintended consequences such as the growth of urban crime organizations. As an experiment it lost supporters every year, and lost tax revenue that governments needed when the Great Depression began in 1929.[3]
Many progressives supported Prohibition in the United States in order to destroy the political power of local bosses based in saloons.[2] At the same time, women's suffrage was promoted to bring a "purer" female vote into the arena.[3] A second theme was building an Efficiency Movement in every sector that could identify old ways that needed modernizing, and bring to bear scientific, medical and engineering solutions; a key part of the efficiency movement was scientific management, or "Taylorism".
Many activists joined efforts to reform local government, public education, medicine, finance, insurance, industry, railroads, churches, and many other areas. Progressives transformed, professionalized and made "scientific" the social sciences, especially history,[4] economics,[5] and political science.[6] In academic fields the day of the amateur author gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses. The national political leaders included Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette, Sr., and Charles Evans Hughes on the Republican side, and William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson and Al Smith on the Democratic side.
Initially the movement operated chiefly at local levels; later, it expanded to state and national levels. Progressives drew support from the middle class, and supporters included many lawyers, teachers, physicians, ministers and business people.[7] The Progressives strongly supported scientific methods as applied to economics, government, industry, finance, medicine, schooling, theology, education, and even the family. They closely followed advances underway at the time in Western Europe[8] and adopted numerous policies, such as a major transformation of the banking system by creating the Federal Reserve System in 1913.[9] Reformers felt that old-fashioned ways meant waste and inefficiency, and eagerly sought out the "one best system".[10][11]
Prohibition in the United States was a nationwide constitutional ban on the sale, production, importation, and transportation of alcoholic beverages that remained in place from 1920 to 1933. It was promoted by the "dry" crusaders, a movement led by rural Protestants and social Progressives in the Democratic and Republican parties, and was coordinated by the Anti-Saloon League, and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Prohibition was mandated under the Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Enabling legislation, known as the Volstead Act, set down the rules for enforcing the ban and defined the types of alcoholic beverages that were prohibited. For example, religious uses of wine were allowed. Private ownership and consumption of alcohol was not made illegal under federal law; however, in many areas local laws were more strict, with some states banning possession outright. Nationwide, Prohibition ended with the ratification of the Twenty-first Amendment, which repealed the Eighteenth Amendment, on December 5, 1933.
Prohibition marked one of the last stages of the Progressive Era. During the 19th century, alcoholism, drug abuse, gambling addiction, and a variety of other social ills and abuses led to the activism to try to cure the perceived problems in society. Among other things, this led many communities in the late 19th and early 20th century to introduce alcohol prohibition, with the subsequent enforcement in law becoming a hotly debated issue. Prohibition supporters, called dries, presented it as a victory for public morals and health. Anti-prohibitionists, known as wets, criticized the alcohol ban as an intrusion of mainly rural Protestant ideals on a central aspect of urban, immigrant, and Catholic life. Although popular opinion believes that Prohibition failed, it succeeded in cutting overall alcohol consumption in half during the 1920s, and consumption remained below pre-Prohibition levels until the 1940s, suggesting that Prohibition did socialize a significant proportion of the population in temperate habits, at least temporarily.[1] Some researchers contend that its political failure is attributable more to a changing historical context than to characteristics of the law itself.[2] Criticism remains that Prohibition led to unintended consequences such as the growth of urban crime organizations. As an experiment it lost supporters every year, and lost tax revenue that governments needed when the Great Depression began in 1929.[3]
The American Mafia, an Italian-American organized-crime
network with operations in cities across the United States, particularly
New York and Chicago, rose to power through its success in the illicit
liquor trade during the 1920s Prohibition era. After Prohibition, the
Mafia moved into other criminal ventures, from drug trafficking to
illegal gambling, while also infiltrating labor unions and legitimate
businesses such as construction and New York’s garment industry. The
Mafia’s violent crimes, secret rituals and notorious characters such as
Al Capone and John Gotti have fascinated the public and become a part of
popular culture. During the latter part of the 20th century, the
government used anti-racketeering laws to convict high-ranking mobsters
and weaken the Mafia. However, it remains in business today.
Immigration and Prohibition law of unintended consequence
same as right to education (ravindrana)
During the late 19th century and early 20th century, waves of
Italians, mostly farmers, craftsmen and unskilled laborers, flocked to
America in search of better economic opportunities. In New York
City alone, the number of Italians soared from 20,000 to 250,000
between 1880 and 1890, and by 1910, that number had jumped to 500,000
immigrants and first-generation Italian Americans, or one-tenth of the
city’s population, according to historian Thomas Repetto. The majority
of these immigrants were law-abiding, but, as with most large groups of
people, some were criminals who formed neighborhood gangs, often preying
on those in their own communities.
During the 1920s Prohibition era, when the 18th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution banned the sale, manufacture and transportation of alcoholic beverages, Italian-American gangs (along with other ethnic gangs) entered the booming bootleg liquor business and transformed themselves into sophisticated criminal enterprises, skilled at smuggling, money laundering and bribing police and other public officials. During this time, the Sicilian Mafia in Italy, which had flourished since at least the mid-19th century, was under attack from the Fascist regime of Benito Mussolini (1883-1945). Some Sicilian Mafiosi escaped to the United States, where they got involved in bootlegging and became part of the burgeoning American Mafia. The Mafia in the U.S. and Sicily were separate entities, although the Americans adopted some Italian traditions, including omerta, an all-important code of conduct and secrecy that forbid any cooperation with government authorities.
During the 1920s Prohibition era, when the 18th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution banned the sale, manufacture and transportation of alcoholic beverages, Italian-American gangs (along with other ethnic gangs) entered the booming bootleg liquor business and transformed themselves into sophisticated criminal enterprises, skilled at smuggling, money laundering and bribing police and other public officials. During this time, the Sicilian Mafia in Italy, which had flourished since at least the mid-19th century, was under attack from the Fascist regime of Benito Mussolini (1883-1945). Some Sicilian Mafiosi escaped to the United States, where they got involved in bootlegging and became part of the burgeoning American Mafia. The Mafia in the U.S. and Sicily were separate entities, although the Americans adopted some Italian traditions, including omerta, an all-important code of conduct and secrecy that forbid any cooperation with government authorities.
The American Mafia Gets Organized
In the late 1920s, a bloody power struggle known as the
Castellammarese War broke out between New York City’s two biggest
Italian-American criminal gangs. In 1931, after the faction led by
Sicilian-born crime boss Salvatore Maranzano (1886-1931) came out on
top, he crowned himself the “capo di tutti capi,” or boss of all bosses,
in New York. Unhappy with Maranzano’s power grab, a rising mobster
named Lucky Luciano (1897-1962) had him murdered that same year. Luciano
then masterminded the formation of a central organization called the
Commission to serve as a sort of national board of directors for the
American Mafia, which by then consisted of at least 20 crime families
across the country. New York, which had become America’s organized-crime
capital, had been divided into five main Mafia families; everywhere
else the Mafia operated, there was just one crime family per city. The
Commission’s role was to set policies and mediate disagreements among
the families. Each of the five New York families received a vote on the
Commission when it was established, while the heads of the families in Chicago and Buffalo also got one vote each.
The U.S. Mafia: Hierarchy and Rituals
Typically, each American Mafia crime family was organized around a
hierarchy headed by a boss, who ruled with unquestioned authority and
received a cut of every money-making operation taken on by any member of
his family. Second-in-command was the underboss and below him were the
capos, or captains, who each controlled a crew of 10 or so soldiers (men
who had been “made,” or inducted into the family). Each family also had
a consigliere, who acted as an advisor and ombudsman. At the bottom of
the chain were associates, people who worked for or did business with
the family but weren’t full-fledged members.
Becoming an official member of a Mafia family traditionally involved an initiation ceremony in which a person performed such rituals as pricking his finger to draw blood and holding a burning picture of a patron saint while taking an oath of loyalty. Italian heritage was a prerequisite for every inductee (although some crime families required such lineage only from the father’s side) and men often, though not always, had to commit a murder before they could be made. Becoming a member of the Mafia was meant to be a lifetime commitment and each Mafiosi swore to obey omerta, the all-important code of loyalty and silence. Mafiosi were also expected to follow other rules, including never assaulting one another and never cheating with another member’s girlfriend or wife.
Becoming an official member of a Mafia family traditionally involved an initiation ceremony in which a person performed such rituals as pricking his finger to draw blood and holding a burning picture of a patron saint while taking an oath of loyalty. Italian heritage was a prerequisite for every inductee (although some crime families required such lineage only from the father’s side) and men often, though not always, had to commit a murder before they could be made. Becoming a member of the Mafia was meant to be a lifetime commitment and each Mafiosi swore to obey omerta, the all-important code of loyalty and silence. Mafiosi were also expected to follow other rules, including never assaulting one another and never cheating with another member’s girlfriend or wife.
The Mafia’s 20th-Century Dominance
With the repeal of Prohibition in 1933, the Mafia moved beyond
bootlegging and into a range of underworld activities, from illegal
gambling to loan-sharking to prostitution rings. The Mafia also sunk its
tentacles into labor unions and legitimate businesses, including
construction, garbage collection, trucking, restaurants and nightclubs
and the New York garment industry, and raked in enormous profits through
kickbacks and protection shakedowns. Instrumental to the Mafia’s
success was its ability to bribe corrupt public officials and business
leaders, along with witnesses and juries in court cases. By the mid-20th
century, there were 24 known crime families in America, comprised of an
estimated 5,000 full-fledged members and thousands of associates across
the country. Prior to the 1960s, some government leaders, including FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover,
voiced skepticism about the existence of a national Italian-American
organized crime network and suggested instead that crime gangs operated
strictly on a local level. As a result, law enforcement agencies made
few inroads in stopping the Mafia’s rise during this period.
Taking Down the Mafia
In 1970, Congress passed the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt
Organizations (RICO) Act, which proved to be a powerful tool in the
government’s war on the Mafia, as it allowed prosecutors to go after
crime families and their sources of revenue, both legal and illegal.
During the 1980s and 1990s, RICO laws were used to convict numerous
high-level mobsters. Some Mafiosi, faced with long prison sentences,
broke the once-sacred code of omerta and testified against their fellow
mobsters in exchange for a place in the federal witness-protection
program. At the same time, Mafia membership declined as insular
Italian-American neighborhoods, once a traditional recruiting ground for
mobsters, underwent demographic shifts and became more assimilated into
society at large.
By the start of the 21st century, the American Mafia was a shadow of its former self. However, the Mafia remained active in some of its traditional ventures, including loan-sharking and illegal gambling, and its involvement in labor unions and legitimate industries such as construction hadn’t been completely eliminated. Contributing to the Mafia’s continued survival may be the fact that following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on America, significant resources devoted to investigating organized crime (which had already seen cuts prior to 9/11) were shifted to counterterrorism work.
By the start of the 21st century, the American Mafia was a shadow of its former self. However, the Mafia remained active in some of its traditional ventures, including loan-sharking and illegal gambling, and its involvement in labor unions and legitimate industries such as construction hadn’t been completely eliminated. Contributing to the Mafia’s continued survival may be the fact that following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on America, significant resources devoted to investigating organized crime (which had already seen cuts prior to 9/11) were shifted to counterterrorism work.
Tuesday, 22 December 2015
bitch please
Frederick Winslow Taylor (March 20, 1856 – March 21, 1915) was an American mechanical engineer who sought to improve industrial efficiency.[2] He was one of the first management consultants.[3] Taylor was one of the intellectual leaders of the Efficiency Movement and his ideas, broadly conceived, were highly influential in the Progressive Era (1890s-1920s). Taylor summed up his efficiency techniques in his 1911 book The Principles of Scientific Management.
His pioneering work in applying engineering principles to the work done
on the factory floor was instrumental in the creation and development
of the branch of engineering that is now known as industrial engineering. Taylor was also an athlete who competed nationally in tennis and golf.
In the Soviet Union, Vladimir Lenin was very impressed by Taylorism, which he and Joseph Stalin sought to incorporate into Soviet manufacturing. Taylorism and the mass production methods of Henry Ford thus became highly influential during the early years of the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, "[...] Frederick Taylor's methods have never really taken root in the Soviet Union."[26] The voluntaristic approach of the Stakhanovite movement in the 1930s of setting individual records was diametrically opposed to Taylor's systematic approach and proved to be counter-productive.[27] The stop-and-go of the production process – workers having nothing to do at the beginning of a month and 'storming' during illegal extra shifts at the end of the month – which prevailed even in the 1980s had nothing to do with the successfully taylorized plants e.g., of Toyota which are characterized by continuous production processes (heijunka) which are continuously improved (kaizen).[28]
"The easy availability of replacement labor, which allowed Taylor to choose only 'first-class men,' was an important condition for his system's success."[29] The situation in the Soviet Union was very different. "Because work is so unrhythmic, the rational manager will hire more workers than he would need if supplies were even in order to have enough for storming. Because of the continuing labor shortage, managers are happy to pay needed workers more than the norm, either by issuing false job orders, assigning them to higher skill grades than they deserve on merit criteria, giving them 'loose' piece rates, or making what is supposed to be 'incentive' pay, premia for good work, effectively part of the normal wage. As Mary Mc Auley has suggested under these circumstances piece rates are not an incentive wage, but a way of justifying giving workers whatever they 'should' be getting, no matter what their pay is supposed to be according to the official norms."[30]
Taylor and his theories are also referenced (and put to practice) in the 1921 dystopian novel We by Yevgeny Zamyatin.
france
In France, Le Chatelier translated Taylor's work and introduced scientific management throughout government owned plants during World War I. This influenced the French theorist Henri Fayol, whose 1916 Administration Industrielle et Générale emphasized organizational structure in management. In the classic General and Industrial Management Fayol wrote that "Taylor's approach differs from the one we have outlined in that he examines the firm from the 'bottom up.' He starts with the most elemental units of activity – the workers' actions – then studies the effects of their actions on productivity, devises new methods for making them more efficient, and applies what he learns at lower levels to the hierarchy..."[20] He suggests that Taylor has staff analysts and advisors working with individuals at lower levels of the organization to identify the ways to improve efficiency. According to Fayol, the approach results in a "negation of the principle of unity of command."[21] Fayol criticized Taylor's functional management in this way: In Shop Management, Taylor said[22] « ... the most marked outward characteristics of functional management lies in the fact that each workman, instead of coming in direct contact with the management at one point only, ... receives his daily orders and help from eight different bosses... these eight were (1) route clerks, (2) instruction card men, (3) cost and time clerks, (4) gang bosses, (5) speed bosses, (6) inspectors, (7) repair bosses, and the (8) shop disciplinarian. »[22] Fayol said that this was an unworkable situation and that Taylor must have reconciled the differences in some way not described in Taylor's works.
In the Soviet Union, Vladimir Lenin was very impressed by Taylorism, which he and Joseph Stalin sought to incorporate into Soviet manufacturing. Taylorism and the mass production methods of Henry Ford thus became highly influential during the early years of the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, "[...] Frederick Taylor's methods have never really taken root in the Soviet Union."[26] The voluntaristic approach of the Stakhanovite movement in the 1930s of setting individual records was diametrically opposed to Taylor's systematic approach and proved to be counter-productive.[27] The stop-and-go of the production process – workers having nothing to do at the beginning of a month and 'storming' during illegal extra shifts at the end of the month – which prevailed even in the 1980s had nothing to do with the successfully taylorized plants e.g., of Toyota which are characterized by continuous production processes (heijunka) which are continuously improved (kaizen).[28]
"The easy availability of replacement labor, which allowed Taylor to choose only 'first-class men,' was an important condition for his system's success."[29] The situation in the Soviet Union was very different. "Because work is so unrhythmic, the rational manager will hire more workers than he would need if supplies were even in order to have enough for storming. Because of the continuing labor shortage, managers are happy to pay needed workers more than the norm, either by issuing false job orders, assigning them to higher skill grades than they deserve on merit criteria, giving them 'loose' piece rates, or making what is supposed to be 'incentive' pay, premia for good work, effectively part of the normal wage. As Mary Mc Auley has suggested under these circumstances piece rates are not an incentive wage, but a way of justifying giving workers whatever they 'should' be getting, no matter what their pay is supposed to be according to the official norms."[30]
Taylor and his theories are also referenced (and put to practice) in the 1921 dystopian novel We by Yevgeny Zamyatin.
france
In France, Le Chatelier translated Taylor's work and introduced scientific management throughout government owned plants during World War I. This influenced the French theorist Henri Fayol, whose 1916 Administration Industrielle et Générale emphasized organizational structure in management. In the classic General and Industrial Management Fayol wrote that "Taylor's approach differs from the one we have outlined in that he examines the firm from the 'bottom up.' He starts with the most elemental units of activity – the workers' actions – then studies the effects of their actions on productivity, devises new methods for making them more efficient, and applies what he learns at lower levels to the hierarchy..."[20] He suggests that Taylor has staff analysts and advisors working with individuals at lower levels of the organization to identify the ways to improve efficiency. According to Fayol, the approach results in a "negation of the principle of unity of command."[21] Fayol criticized Taylor's functional management in this way: In Shop Management, Taylor said[22] « ... the most marked outward characteristics of functional management lies in the fact that each workman, instead of coming in direct contact with the management at one point only, ... receives his daily orders and help from eight different bosses... these eight were (1) route clerks, (2) instruction card men, (3) cost and time clerks, (4) gang bosses, (5) speed bosses, (6) inspectors, (7) repair bosses, and the (8) shop disciplinarian. »[22] Fayol said that this was an unworkable situation and that Taylor must have reconciled the differences in some way not described in Taylor's works.
समर शेष है - रामधारी सिंह दिनकर
Ramdhari Singh 'Dinkar' (23 September 1908 – 24 April 1974) was an Indian Hindi poet, essayist, patriot and academic,[1][2]
who is considered as one of the most important modern Hindi poets. He
remerged as a poet of rebellion as a consequence of his nationalist
poetry written in the days before Indian independence. His poetry exuded veer rasa, and he has been hailed as a Rashtrakavi ("National poet") on account of his inspiring patriotic compositions.[3] He was a regular poet of Hindi Kavi sammelan on those days and is hailed to be as popular and connected to poetry lovers for Hindi speakers as Pushkin for Russians.[4]
The present Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi wrote a message appreciating the translation of Rashmirathi into English by the Mauritian cultural activist Leela Gujadhur Sarup.[5] As a mark of respect for him, his portrait was unveiled in the Central Hall of Parliament of India by the then Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh on his centenary year, 2008.[6][7] On 23 November 2012, the President of India, Pranab Mukherjee gave away Rashtrakavi Ramdhari Singh 'Dinkar' Sahitya Ratna Samman to 21 prominent writers and social workers at a function organised in Rashtrapati Bhavan.[8] On the occasion, the President recalled the contribution of Ramdhari Singh 'Dinkar' in the freedom struggle and his service to Hindi literature.[8] Poet and former Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee spoke of Dinkarji in high esteem.[9] Others who have praised his literary genius include Shivraj Patil, Lal Krishna Advani, Somnath Chatterjee, Gulab Khandelwal, Bhawani Prasad Mishra, and Seth Govind Das.[10]
Dinkar initially supported the revolutionary movement during the Indian independence struggle, but later became a Gandhian. However, he used to call himself a 'Bad Gandhian' because he supported the feelings of indignation and revenge among the youth.[11] In Kurukshetra, he accepted that war is destructive but argued that it is necessary for the protection of freedom. He was close to prominent nationalists of the time such as Rajendra Prasad, Anugrah Narayan Sinha, Sri Krishna Sinha, Rambriksh Benipuri and Braj Kishore Prasad.
Dinkar was elected three times to the Rajya Sabha, and he was the member of this house from 3 April 1952 CE to 26 January 1964 CE,[11] and was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1959.[11] He was also the Vice-Chancellor of Bhagalpur University (Bhagalpur, Bihar) in the early 1960s.
During The Emergency, Jayaprakash Narayan had attracted a gathering of one lakh people at the Ramlila grounds and recited Dinkar's famous poem: Singhasan Khaali Karo Ke Janata Aaati Hai (Devanagari: सिंहासन खाली करो कि जनता आती है; "Vacate the throne, for the people are coming").[12]
The present Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi wrote a message appreciating the translation of Rashmirathi into English by the Mauritian cultural activist Leela Gujadhur Sarup.[5] As a mark of respect for him, his portrait was unveiled in the Central Hall of Parliament of India by the then Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh on his centenary year, 2008.[6][7] On 23 November 2012, the President of India, Pranab Mukherjee gave away Rashtrakavi Ramdhari Singh 'Dinkar' Sahitya Ratna Samman to 21 prominent writers and social workers at a function organised in Rashtrapati Bhavan.[8] On the occasion, the President recalled the contribution of Ramdhari Singh 'Dinkar' in the freedom struggle and his service to Hindi literature.[8] Poet and former Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee spoke of Dinkarji in high esteem.[9] Others who have praised his literary genius include Shivraj Patil, Lal Krishna Advani, Somnath Chatterjee, Gulab Khandelwal, Bhawani Prasad Mishra, and Seth Govind Das.[10]
Dinkar initially supported the revolutionary movement during the Indian independence struggle, but later became a Gandhian. However, he used to call himself a 'Bad Gandhian' because he supported the feelings of indignation and revenge among the youth.[11] In Kurukshetra, he accepted that war is destructive but argued that it is necessary for the protection of freedom. He was close to prominent nationalists of the time such as Rajendra Prasad, Anugrah Narayan Sinha, Sri Krishna Sinha, Rambriksh Benipuri and Braj Kishore Prasad.
Dinkar was elected three times to the Rajya Sabha, and he was the member of this house from 3 April 1952 CE to 26 January 1964 CE,[11] and was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1959.[11] He was also the Vice-Chancellor of Bhagalpur University (Bhagalpur, Bihar) in the early 1960s.
During The Emergency, Jayaprakash Narayan had attracted a gathering of one lakh people at the Ramlila grounds and recited Dinkar's famous poem: Singhasan Khaali Karo Ke Janata Aaati Hai (Devanagari: सिंहासन खाली करो कि जनता आती है; "Vacate the throne, for the people are coming").[12]
समर शेष है
- रामधारी सिंह दिनकर (Ramdhari Singh Dinkar)
ढीली करो धनुष की डोरी, तरकस का कस खोलो
किसने कहा, युद्ध की बेला गई, शान्ति से बोलो?
किसने कहा, और मत बेधो हृदय वह्नि के शर से
भरो भुवन का अंग कुंकुम से, कुसुम से, केसर से?
कुंकुम? लेपूँ किसे? सुनाऊँ किसको कोमल गान?
तड़प रहा आँखों के आगे भूखा हिन्दुस्तान।
फूलों की रंगीन लहर पर ओ उतराने वाले!
ओ रेशमी नगर के वासी! ओ छवि के मतवाले!
सकल देश में हालाहल है दिल्ली में हाला है,
दिल्ली में रौशनी शेष भारत में अंधियाला है।
मखमल के पर्दों के बाहर, फूलों के उस पार,
ज्यों का त्यों है खड़ा आज भी मरघट सा संसार।
वह संसार जहाँ पर पहुँची अब तक नहीं किरण है,
जहाँ क्षितिज है शून्य, अभी तक अंबर तिमिर-वरण है।
देख जहाँ का दृश्य आज भी अन्तस्तल हिलता है,
माँ को लज्जा वसन और शिशु को न क्षीर मिलता है।
पूज रहा है जहाँ चकित हो जन-जन देख अकाज,
सात वर्ष हो गए राह में अटका कहाँ स्वराज?
अटका कहाँ स्वराज? बोल दिल्ली! तू क्या कहती है?
तू रानी बन गयी वेदना जनता क्यों सहती है?
सबके भाग्य दबा रक्खे हैं किसने अपने कर में ?
उतरी थी जो विभा, हुई बंदिनी, बता किस घर में?
समर शेष है यह प्रकाश बंदीगृह से छूटेगा,
और नहीं तो तुझ पर पापिनि! महावज्र टूटेगा।
समर शेष है इस स्वराज को सत्य बनाना होगा।
जिसका है यह न्यास, उसे सत्वर पहुँचाना होगा।
धारा के मग में अनेक पर्वत जो खड़े हुए हैं,
गंगा का पथ रोक इन्द्र के गज जो अड़े हुए हैं,
कह दो उनसे झुके अगर तो जग में यश पाएँगे,
अड़े रहे तो ऐरावत पत्तों -से बह जाएँगे।
समर शेष है जनगंगा को खुल कर लहराने दो,
शिखरों को डूबने और मुकुटों को बह जाने दो।
पथरीली, ऊँची ज़मीन है? तो उसको तोडेंग़े।
समतल पीटे बिना समर की भूमि नहीं छोड़ेंगे।
समर शेष है, चलो ज्योतियों के बरसाते तीर,
खंड-खंड हो गिरे विषमता की काली जंज़ीर।
समर शेष है, अभी मनुज-भक्षी हुँकार रहे हैं।
गाँधी का पी रुधिर, जवाहर पर फुंकार रहे हैं।
समर शेष है, अहंकार इनका हरना बाकी है,
वृक को दंतहीन, अहि को निर्विष करना बाकी है।
समर शेष है, शपथ धर्म की लाना है वह काल
विचरें अभय देश में गांधी और जवाहर लाल।
तिमिरपुत्र ये दस्यु कहीं कोई दुष्कांड रचें ना!
सावधान, हो खड़ी देश भर में गांधी की सेना।
बलि देकर भी बली! स्नेह का यह मृदु व्रत साधो रे
मंदिर औ' मस्जिद दोनों पर एक तार बाँधो रे!
समर शेष है, नहीं पाप का भागी केवल व्याघ्र,
जो तटस्थ हैं, समय लिखेगा उनका भी अपराध।
- रामधारी सिंह दिनकर (Ramdhari Singh Dinkar)
ढीली करो धनुष की डोरी, तरकस का कस खोलो
किसने कहा, युद्ध की बेला गई, शान्ति से बोलो?
किसने कहा, और मत बेधो हृदय वह्नि के शर से
भरो भुवन का अंग कुंकुम से, कुसुम से, केसर से?
कुंकुम? लेपूँ किसे? सुनाऊँ किसको कोमल गान?
तड़प रहा आँखों के आगे भूखा हिन्दुस्तान।
फूलों की रंगीन लहर पर ओ उतराने वाले!
ओ रेशमी नगर के वासी! ओ छवि के मतवाले!
सकल देश में हालाहल है दिल्ली में हाला है,
दिल्ली में रौशनी शेष भारत में अंधियाला है।
मखमल के पर्दों के बाहर, फूलों के उस पार,
ज्यों का त्यों है खड़ा आज भी मरघट सा संसार।
वह संसार जहाँ पर पहुँची अब तक नहीं किरण है,
जहाँ क्षितिज है शून्य, अभी तक अंबर तिमिर-वरण है।
देख जहाँ का दृश्य आज भी अन्तस्तल हिलता है,
माँ को लज्जा वसन और शिशु को न क्षीर मिलता है।
पूज रहा है जहाँ चकित हो जन-जन देख अकाज,
सात वर्ष हो गए राह में अटका कहाँ स्वराज?
अटका कहाँ स्वराज? बोल दिल्ली! तू क्या कहती है?
तू रानी बन गयी वेदना जनता क्यों सहती है?
सबके भाग्य दबा रक्खे हैं किसने अपने कर में ?
उतरी थी जो विभा, हुई बंदिनी, बता किस घर में?
समर शेष है यह प्रकाश बंदीगृह से छूटेगा,
और नहीं तो तुझ पर पापिनि! महावज्र टूटेगा।
समर शेष है इस स्वराज को सत्य बनाना होगा।
जिसका है यह न्यास, उसे सत्वर पहुँचाना होगा।
धारा के मग में अनेक पर्वत जो खड़े हुए हैं,
गंगा का पथ रोक इन्द्र के गज जो अड़े हुए हैं,
कह दो उनसे झुके अगर तो जग में यश पाएँगे,
अड़े रहे तो ऐरावत पत्तों -से बह जाएँगे।
समर शेष है जनगंगा को खुल कर लहराने दो,
शिखरों को डूबने और मुकुटों को बह जाने दो।
पथरीली, ऊँची ज़मीन है? तो उसको तोडेंग़े।
समतल पीटे बिना समर की भूमि नहीं छोड़ेंगे।
समर शेष है, चलो ज्योतियों के बरसाते तीर,
खंड-खंड हो गिरे विषमता की काली जंज़ीर।
समर शेष है, अभी मनुज-भक्षी हुँकार रहे हैं।
गाँधी का पी रुधिर, जवाहर पर फुंकार रहे हैं।
समर शेष है, अहंकार इनका हरना बाकी है,
वृक को दंतहीन, अहि को निर्विष करना बाकी है।
समर शेष है, शपथ धर्म की लाना है वह काल
विचरें अभय देश में गांधी और जवाहर लाल।
तिमिरपुत्र ये दस्यु कहीं कोई दुष्कांड रचें ना!
सावधान, हो खड़ी देश भर में गांधी की सेना।
बलि देकर भी बली! स्नेह का यह मृदु व्रत साधो रे
मंदिर औ' मस्जिद दोनों पर एक तार बाँधो रे!
समर शेष है, नहीं पाप का भागी केवल व्याघ्र,
जो तटस्थ हैं, समय लिखेगा उनका भी अपराध।
Wednesday, 16 December 2015
Tuesday, 15 December 2015
Saturday, 12 December 2015
Wednesday, 2 December 2015
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